Azmin, get a grip - Anthony Ibong

Azmin should be mindful that SNAP had been established in Sarawak far longer than PKR, and in fact longer than the Malaysian federation itself. SNAP provided the first chief minister of the state. He should give it the due respect that it deserves as the party that is the traditional Dayak-based political organisation of Sarawak.

by Anthony anak Ibong via e-mail

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The PKR deputy president, Azmin Ali's remarks, reported on March 5th, directed to the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) are highly deplorable.

Who does Azmin think he is, to tell, to warn and to set conditions to SNAP? He appears to be intent on bullying SNAP.

On December 12 2010, he gave a fiery speech in Bintulu promising to give full autonomy to Sarawak were Pakatan Rakyat (PR) to gain power at the federal level. I am beginning to doubt if what he said that day Sarawak autonomy can be believed at all given his attitude to SNAP which is a pure Sarawakian party, unlike PKR.

Azmin should be mindful that SNAP had been established in Sarawak far longer than PKR, and in fact longer than the Malaysian federation itself. SNAP provided the first chief minister of the state. He should give it the due respect that it deserves as the party that is the traditional Dayak-based political organisation of Sarawak.

With the unresolved issues arising from the PKR party elections and high number defections of its elected representatives, Azmin should bear in mind that he is from the party that is commonly agreed to be the weakest link in the PR coalition. He ought to be more humble and circumspect before deciding to get on the high horse and start dictating what other political parties should or should not be doing and trying to impose terms.

PKR and PR should be thankful that SNAP is willing to be an ally in the impending state elections. It will be unwise for Azmin or anyone else for that matter to treat SNAP as a junior partner in this alliance.

Even Umno has been sensitive to local Sarawak sentiments and refrained from setting itself up in the state. For PKR to come in and start ordering and bossing SNAP around, that is something which will not go down well with the Sarawak electorate and may adversely impact PR's performance in the state elections. That is why I found Azmin's remarks so short-sighted and deplorable.

Apart from power-abuse and high level breaches of public trust, the other major and apparently intractable issues in the state are Dayak-based, such as the question of native customary rights over land. Between PKR and SNAP, surely the latter as a Sarawak-based organisation, is better placed to represent the people of the state in any sincere effort to resolve those issues.

It is best that the PR parties bear in mind that SNAP contested no fewer than 28 seats in the last state elections. To offer it just 3 seats to contest this time around is nothing but an insult to the aspirations of the people of Sarawak. All things considered, there is no compelling reason why SNAP should tie its fortune to PR if the PKR does not budge in the seat-allocations discussions.

As for Azmin, if he was not being hypocritical in his talk about Sarawak autonomy, he should be more receptive to and accepting of SNAP's desire to contest in the number of seats it feels it deserved and stop trying to boss the Sarawak party around.



ANTHONY ANAK IBONG

Pilihanraya Sarawak: PKR tidak matang - Aspan Alias

Kenyataan Azmin yang memberi amaran kepada SNAP supaya tunduk kepada apa yang ditetapkan oleh PKR itu adalah satu bahasa politik yang tidak matang jika dilakukan applikasinya di Sarawak. Sudahkah PKR berunding secara khusus dengan DAP dan anggota PR yang lain sebelum meluahkan perasaan yang agak tidak cerdik itu?

oleh Aspan Alias

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Pilihanraya Sarawak merupakan pilihanraya yang akan menjadi isu tumpuan bagi banyak pihak baik di Sarawak mahu pun di Semenanjung kerana ianya kait mengait di antara satu dengan lain yang akan menentukan nasib kedua-dua belah pihak, BN dan PR.

Pakatan Rakyat, khususnya PKR sedang menghadapi sedikit kekeliruan dengan SNAP dan belum lagi berjumpa dengan formula terbaik untuk berkerjasama dan mengadakan kesepakatan untuk menghadapi BN yang akan bermatian-matian untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan di Sarawak.

Pembangkang di Sarawak akan menghadapi kerugian yang amat besar jika tidak berjaya bergerak seiringan kerana BN Sarawak adalah di dalam keadaan yang paling lemah jika dibandingkan dengan keadaan pada masa-masa yang lalu.

Dalam PR di Sarawak hanya DAP sahaja yang tidak berhadapan kerana parti itu hanya menumpukan kepada 20 kerusi DUN di kawasan bandar dan tidak bercita-cita besar seperti PKR yang mahukan 52 kerusi dari 71 kerusi di dalam DUN Sarawak. Azmin Ali, Timbalan Presiden PKR nampaknya begitu keras mahukan kerusi yang begitu banyak tanpa memikirkan perasaan pengundi tempatan yang jauh berbeza dari pemikiran pengundi di Semenanjung.

Bagi setengah pendapat jika PKR sensitive kepada keadaan tempatan, parti itu sepatutnya memberikan kelebihan kepada SNAP kerana SNAP merupakan parti yang begitu lama wujud di Sarawak dan pernah mendapat tempat di hati rakyat Sarawak yang mewakili Iban dan Dayak yang merupakan pengundi yang ‘substantial’ di bumi kenyalang itu. SNAP telah terkeluar dari BN di sebabkan pergolakan politik Sarawak hampir dua dekad dahulu.

Apa yang boleh dilakukan di Semenanjung tidak semestinya boleh dilakukan di Sarawak. UMNO tidak dapat menjejakan kaki di Sarawak kerana rakyat Sarawak tidak bersetuju dengan kehadiran UMNO, walaupun UMNO merupakan tunjang kepada BN. Tidak ganjil rasanya jika PKR hanya mengambil kerusi dengan jumlah yang agak munasabah bagi rakyat Sarawak.

Kenyataan Azmin yang memberi amaran kepada SNAP supaya tunduk kepada apa yang ditetapkan oleh PKR itu adalah satu bahasa politik yang tidak matang jika dilakukan applikasinya di Sarawak. Sudahkah PKR berunding secara khusus dengan DAP dan anggota PR yang lain sebelum meluahkan perasaan yang agak tidak cerdik itu?

Bagi Sarawak kaedah yang paling baik untuk menghadapi BN ialah dengan memberikan kelebihan kepada parti-parti tempatan yang lebih lama dan memahami keadaan di negeri itu, terutamanya SNAP. Dalam pada itu PKR mesti faham bahawa SNAP juga sedang menjalini hubungan dengan MCLM yang juga merupakan satu kumpulan yang inginkan representasi di Sarawak di dalam pilihanraya yang akan datang ini.

Sesungguhnya usia SNAP lebih lama dari usia PKR dan memebrikan kelebihan kepada parti-parti tempatan merupakan satu kompromi yang berkesan untuk menghadapi BN yang sangat besar kekuasaan kewangan dan kemudahan yang lain.

Jika ada kompromi yang baik dan mempunyai matlamat yang satu maka tumpuan kepada 30 kerusi Dayak dan Iban yang pernah mewakili mereka di dalam Dewan Undangan Negeri Sarawak dan pernah menjadi komponen yang besar di dalam BN Sarawak dan di wakili di dalam kabinet Sarawak. Disinilah lebihnya UMNO kerana sanggup berkorban dengan rakan-rakan komponen dan bersetuju tidak diwakili didalam legislative persekutuan dan negeri dari Sarawak.

Pemimpin PKR sepatutnya menumpukan usaha memberikan sokongan kepada komponennya di Sarawak jika SNAP bersetuju untuk menjadi komponen kepada PR. Jika titik pertemuan tidak tercapai maka akan ada perentapan di antara SNAP dengan PKR di kawasan-kawasan Iban dan Dayak yang akan memberikan kemenangan mudah kepada BN di dalam mana-mana pertandingan 3 penjuru di Sarawak.

Kali ini kita lihat samada PKR mempunyai kematangan dalam mengendalikan ‘coalition’ yang lebih besar.

SNAP’s return haunts Taib and PKR - Joe Fernandez

All this has brought the current political situation in Sarawak full circle, with SNAP once again virtually calling the shots. The party stands poised as the most credible threat to the ruling coalition and well-placed to deny it the 29 Dayak state seats.

by Joe Fernandez at Free Malaysia Today

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Sarawak Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud, by all accounts, is thinking of going for state election sooner rather than later. This is being driven by the SNAP factor. The Sarawak National Party’s rapidly growing influence since its recent rejuvenation indicates that the Dayak majority of Sarawak is becoming increasingly restless. Taib, being a Melanau, is also a Dayak, but he’s from a Muslim minority.

Taib, according to one report, is fumbling “like a man driven berserk” for an election date in March or April. The speculation is that any date with a 9 in it, or which adds up to 9, such as 18 or 27, would be the date of the next state election. Nine is Taib’s favourite number.

With events on the Sarawak ground rapidly spinning out of control, he can no longer afford the luxury of waiting for Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak to accept his idea of the Sarawak election running simultaneously with the general election, which, according to his thinking, would take the intense opposition heat off him. This is especially true in the Chinese and urban areas, in many Dayak seats and some Muslim seats.

No such luck for Taib. Najib, with former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad breathing down his neck, is more interested in saving in own skin than swimming or sinking with the Sarawak chief minister. He may well remember Mahathir raising the hand of then Sabah Chief Minister Harris Salleh in public in 1985 and pledging to swim or sink with the Harris’s Berjaya Party. Harris sank, but Mahathir swam safely to shore.

Najib, whom Kelantan strongman Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah once described as yellow-bellied, is more inclined to treat Taib as a guinea pig in his bid for his own mandate. The number of state seats that Taib’s coalition can muster will give Najib an idea of how many of the 31 parliamentary seats in Sarawak he can count on when it is his turn to face the people.

In Sarawak 2011, there are shades of Sabah 1985, when the 45-day-old Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) defeated the mighty Berjaya. Even Harris lost his deposit at the hands of the unknown Kadoh Agundong.

Senior Sarawak Barisan Nasional (BN) leaders grudgingly concede that SNAP currently presents the most serious threat to Taib’s Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) and its hold on power. DAP is a threat only to the Chinese-based Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP), which Taib may be forced to sacrifice anyway to fend off the opposition and to better focus on what he can keep.

What particularly rankles Taib is that Daniel Tajem anak Miri, a sworn enemy, is back in the limelight as SNAP adviser. Tajem, once deputy chief minister under Taib, was a senior leader in SNAP until 1983, when it suffered a breakup that gave birth to Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS), evidently financed by PBB moneybags under Taib’s direction.

Deeply suspicious

Taib, still deeply suspicious that the Dayaks would unite and overthrow his family’s dynastic hold on power, also financed the splintering of PBDS after Tajem became its president in 2003. The breakaway was Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) under James Masing. Only 20,000 members from PBDS, less than half of them Dayaks, joined Masing.

PBDS itself was deregistered and attempts by Tajem to gather his people, numbering over 100,000 by a conservative count, under the Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC) was thwarted by the Registrar of Societies (ROS) on “national security grounds”.

Tajem parked himself at the Sarawak PKR as adviser.

The rump SNAP was further humiliated when PBB financed the breakaway Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP) in 2002 under William Mawan. SNAP was kicked out of Sarawak BN the day the ROS deregistered it. The courts subsequently saved SNAP after many months.

Taib tried to have PRS deregistered as well between the 2004 and 2008 general elections. However, then prime minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi stepped in and saved the party just as he was going for the early polls that eventually cooked his goose.

SPDP has also suffered at the hands of Taib’s mischief-making, which saw half its legislators swearing allegiance to Masing and making bids to join PRS.

All this has brought the current political situation in Sarawak full circle, with SNAP once again virtually calling the shots. The party stands poised as the most credible threat to the ruling coalition and well-placed to deny it the 29 Dayak state seats.

Harsh reality

Now Taib’s past is haunting his future.

Sarawak PKR would obviously like to have some of the Dayak seats besides the two Chinese seats promised it by DAP under a condition which is unlikely to be met. DAP wants PKR’s Dominic Ng of Padungan put in cold storage.

SNAP, however, wants Sarawak PKR to focus on the Muslim seats, including the Muslim Melanau seats, and stay clear of the non-Muslim native seats. This is unlikely to go down well with Sarawak PKR, which is led by introvert land rights lawyer and activist Baru Bian, a Dayak Christian.

At one time, there was strong talk that Bian would ditch PKR for SNAP, but this became difficult after he was appointed head of the party’s Sarawak chapter.

In any case, Sarawak PKR has yet to come to terms with the harsh reality that it no longer calls the shots in Sarawak Pakatan Rakyat. Taib has capitalised on this by advising businessman Sng Chee Hua to offer to finance PKR candidates at the next state election. The condition is that Sng would suggest who would represent PKR.

This arrangement is likely to end in disaster for PKR at the polls, especially if the party insists on fielding candidates in Dayak seats.

Sng is a former deputy president of PRS and former deputy president of PBDS when Masing, in defiance of Tajem, claimed to be the party president as well. This was after Leo Moggie anak Irok stepped down in 2003.

Sng’s son Larry is a party-less assistant minister in Taib’s Cabinet – after his claim to be PRS president failed – and is married to the daughter of construction tycoon Ting Pek King. The younger Sng holds the majority Iban Pelagus seat, which “belongs” to PRS under the Sarawak BN quota system.

Bian no match for Sng’s money, connections - Free Malaysia Today

Pressure is piling on Bian to heed calls for him join to SNAP instead of staying on in PKR now that Sng Chee Hua has entered the picture.

by FMT Staff at Free Malaysia Today

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Should Sarawak PKR chief Baru Bian and company continue to place their trust in the party now that money-bags Sng Chee Hua has “openly” moved into the game?

It’s a question that is being bandied about here and in Sarawak ever since Sng’s “secretive” breakfast meeting with PKR de facto chief Anwar Ibrahim last weekend.

For one thing, Bian was not invited to Sng’s pre-arranged breakfast chat lending credence to a commonly-held view that Kuala Lumpur has no respect for Bian and his role.

What was so secretive about the discussion between Anwar and Sng that they couldn’t have Bian sitting in?

Rumour has it that it was all money talk. Speculations are rife that Anwar is busy “sourcing” for money in Sabah and Sarawak to secure Azmin Ali’s leadership and the party’s depleted coffers.

Sng is within Chief Minister Taib Mahmud’s circle. His son Larry Sng, 32, holds two Assistant Minister portfolios in Taib’s Cabinet.

Taib is said to have a soft spot for Larry who, despite being a partyless Pelagus assemblyman, has had Taib’s indirect blessings to contest in the coming state polls.

But Taib has also said that he will not take in independents, who won seats in the polls, into BN. This leaves ample room for father Sng to negotiate a package befitting his son and Anwar.

(Incidentally, Larry’s father-in-law is prominent Sarawak businessman and also Taib ally, Ting Phek Khing.)

Sng is already reported to be “deciding on and financing” PKR’s 15 candidates in Sarawak subject to certain “terms and conditions”’

Whatever are the terms, it is expected to work well for both Taib and Anwar. Likewise, in Sabah it is said that it is all part of a “strategy” which saw Chief Minister Musa Aman recently “receive” with open arms former state PKR leader Pajudin Nordin, who is with Ansari Abdullah, who in turn is Azmin’s pointman in Sabah. Pajudin’s move to Umno was sudden.

Clear threat

Bian unfortunately is not among Sng’s “must haves”.

In fact, in Sarawak PKR, Sng and his money is a clear threat to Bian’s influence among the Dayak and Chinese members.

“We are worried. With Sng there is now a change in status quo between Bian and Anwar. He won’t be able to fight Sng’s money and his association with Anwar and Taib.

“Bian and his supporters don’t have the muscle to take on both Sng and Taib,” a source said, adding that Bian was also having problems within the rank and file in the party.

According to another insider, Bian was not PKR central leadership”s first choice.

“He was the third choice… there isn’t a big pool of capable Dayak leaders in Sarawak.

“And when KL decided on him… the Muslims were angry.

“Within Sarawak PKR itself, there are three factions… one led by Sng, the other by Muslim members, and now he has to contend with a re-emerging SNAP (Sarawak Nasional Party),” said the insider.

Not accepted

Sarawak PKR Youth chief Ahmad Nazib Johari, when contacted about the factions, said that he too was aware of the rumours.

He admitted to an “initial discomfort” with Bian’s appointment.

“Yes, there were issues when Bian was appointed… I believe there are still some who are not comfortable.

“But we’ve generally accepted the top level leadership’s decision and are looking at the bigger picture.

“I don’t think it is a problem anymore… as our enemy is the Barisan Nasional and as a party, we are focused on bringing them down,” Ahmad Nazib told FMT in Kuching.

Another Muslim PKR member, however, had a terse response when asked about Bian:

“Bian is not a leader… he is a bigot who should not be leading the party.”

Meanwhile, Bian is struggling with the threat posed by the re-emergence of SNAP and its willingness to be inclusive.

Further damaging to Bian is “iconic” Dayak, Daniel Tajem’s unequivocal support for SNAP.

Respected voice

Tajem, who was among the key people who set up the now defunct Parti Bangsa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS), was once described by Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP) chief Yong Teck Lee as “the icon of Dayak politics”.

In fact, at PKR’s fifth national assembly 2008 in Selangor, Anwar liked Tajem to the “star” in Dayak politics.

Tajem, a diplomat, is a much respected voice among the Dayaks and his call in recent weeks for Dayaks to return to SNAP, which gave Sarawak its first chief minister in Stephen Kalong Ningkan, is troubling for Bian and the state PKR.

Tajem has his own diehard fans within Sarawak’s PKR and many are in two minds about staying on in the party.

Said a SNAP insider: “SNAP is crystalising its strength and rapidly gaining support… it’s tapping Dayaks across the country.”

“Bian should join SNAP. Now is the time for him to realise his worth… SNAP is prepared to field him as a candidate.

“Our doors are open to him but Bian must decide. What is important now is straight fights with BN in all the constituencies,” the insider said.

While admitting to Bian’s strength on native customary rights (NCR) land issue, the insider said “land issue alone is now insufficient”.

“The folk in Lun Bawang like him and he’s known for his work with land cases… but that’s it. It’s not enough in a bigger political fight to administer Sarawak.

“This is the big opportunity… the opposition must offer workable alternatives to poverty and practical infrasructural development,” said the insider, referring to the majority of Sarawak’s over 60% Dayak community who are still trapped in poverty despite the state being rich in natural resources.

Time Is Running Out - Masterwordsmith

It is quite evident that BN has the upper hand in the race to the next GE. Support for Pakatan Rakyat is waning due to many reasons including the fast imploding PKR, the implications of the verdict in Anwar's Sodomy II Trial on Anwar and PKR and other factors.

Most of us seem to be either in political fatigue, or going about with a newly-acquired apolitical stance or filled with skepticism. Yet, the fact remains that the next GE is fast approaching, probably sooner than we think.

by Masterwordsmith at masterwordsmith-unplugged

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SIGNS OF TIMES

1. The Decline in Malay support

The Malaysian Insider featured an article HERE on PAS spells out guarantees in battle for Malay votes which said:

PR has seen a decline in Malay support since July 2009 where a by-election in the 99 per cent Malay seat of Manek Urai, Kelantan saw a 1,352-vote majority for PAS in their stronghold cut to a wafer-thin 65.

Malays continued to swing towards Barisan Nasional (BN) in subsequent polls from about seven to 10 per cent, allowing the ruling coalition to grab Hulu Selangor and Galas from PR.

The most recent by-election in Tenang, Johor, saw PR fail to make any headway among the mainly Felda Malays as BN swept over 83 per cent of Malay votes to increase its majority by over 1,200 votes.

2. The Public Relations Campaign to boost support in Sarawak

It seems that BN is in overdrive to preserve their fixed deposit in Sarawak. Take a look at the following news items that were aired today.

a) Sarawak's Tutoh Apoh School to Get Muhyiddin's Special Attention

A rural secondary school which is the most flood-prone in the country will get special attention from Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin when the deputy prime minister begins a two-day visit to Sarawak on Thursday.

Muhyiddin, who is also the education minister, is scheduled to attend a briefing at and tour Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan Tutoh Apoh in Long Panai, Baram, for which the federal government had allocated RM50 million for a new building in view of its dilapidated and flood-prone condition.

b) Sabah native court gets RM60 million from federal government

The federal government has agreed to provide a RM60-million allocation to enhance the institution of the Sabah native court, Plantation Industries and Commodities Minister Tan Sri Bernard Dompok said today.

c) Bible knowledge can now be taught to Christian students in schools: Dompok

Bible knowledge can now be taught to Christian students in government secondary and mission schools in the country after regular school hours, Plantation Industries and Commodities Minister Tan Sri Bernard Dompok said Saturday.

d) Putrajaya doles out RM2.5b to schools as polls loom

The Najib administration allocated RM2.492 billion for schools and education departments throughout the country, in what is seen as a move to woo over civil servants and parents nationwide ahead of a general election expected to be called this year.

The RM2.492 billion in financial aid will be given to 16 state education departments (JPN) and seven education ministry divisions (KPM), which include the Islamic department as well as the Malaysian Teacher’s Education Institute.

It appears that BN is dishing out goodies in its usual pre-election strategies to woo constituents over to their side. They are using their well-tested and tried methods, go the same road and do the same thing because there are those who are happy with whatever they receive sans the bigger picture. Will it work? It really depends on the rakyat! The State elections must be held by July this year according to this report.


3. By-elections a Morale Booster

Note the following trend in the 14 by-elections that have been held since March 2008.

No. 1 Permatang Pauh (Penang) Parliamentary seat
Date: 26th August 2008
Cause: Resignation of incumbent, Datuk Seri Wan Azizah Wan Ismail (PKR)
Winner: Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim (PKR)

No. 2 Kuala Terengganu (Terengganu) Parliamentary seat
Date: 7th January 2009
Cause: death of incumbent Razali Ismail (BN)
Winner: Mohd Abdul Wahid Endut (PAS)

No. 3, 4 and 5 (all three held on the same day)
Date: 7th April 2009
i) Bukit Selambau (Kedah) State seat
Cause: Resignation of incumbent V. Arumugam (PKR)
Winner: S Manikumar (PKR)

ii) Bukit Gantang (Perak) Parliamentary Seat
Cause: Death of incumbent Roslan Shaharum (PAS)
Winner: Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin (PAS)

iii) Batang Ai (Sarawak) State seat
Cause: Death of incumbent Datuk Dublin Unting (BN)
Winner: Malcolm Mussen Lamoh (Parti Rakyat Sarawak)

No. 6 Penanti (Penang) State seat
Date: 31st May 2009
Cause: Resignation of Mohammad Fairus Khairuddin (PKR)
Winner: Mansor Othman (PKR)

No. 7 Manek Urai (Kelantan) State seat
Date: 14th July 2009
Cause: Death of incumbent Haji Ismail Yaacob (PAS)
Winner: Mohd Fauzi Abdullah (PAS)

No. 8 Permatang Pasir (Penang) State seat
Date: 25th August 2009
Cause: Death of incumbent Datuk Mohd Hamdan Abdul Rahman (PAS)
Winner: Mohd Salleh Man (PAS)

No. 9 Bagan Pinang (Negri Sembilan) State Seat
Date: 11th October 2009
Cause: Death of incumbent Azman Mohammad Noor (BN)
Winner: Tan Sri Mohd. Isa Abdul Samad (BN)

No. 10 Hulu Selangor (Selangor) State seat
Date: 25th April 2010
Cause: death of incumbent Datuk Dr Zainal Abidin Ahmad (PKR)
Winner: P. Kamalanathan (BN)

No. 11 Sibu State seat
Date: 16th May 2010
Cause: death of incumbent Robert Lau Hoi Chew (BN)
Winner: Richard Wong Ho Leng (DAP)

No. 12 and No. 13 (held on the same day)
Date: 4th November 2010

i) Constituency: Galas State seat
Cause: Death of incumbent Chek Hasim bin Sulaima (PAS)
Winner: Abdul Aziz Yusof (BN)

ii) Constituency: Batu Sapi Parliament seat
Cause: Death of incumbent Datuk Edmund Chong (BN/PBS)
Winner: Datin Linda Tsen Thau Lin (BN/PBS)

No. 14 Tenang (Johor) State seat
Date: 30th January 2011
Cause: Death of incumbent Datuk Sulaiman Taha (BN)
Winner: Mohd Azahar Ibrahim (BN), increased majority

No. 15 Merlimau (Melaka) State seat
Date: To be announced by EC but widely speculated to be March 6th 2011
Cause: Death of incumbent Datuk Mohamad Hidhir Abu Hassan (BN) on 20th January 2011

No. 16 Kerdau (Pahang) State seat
Date: To be announced by EC
Cause: Zaharuddin Abu Kassim, 63, from Umno died on 12th February

*Updated at 10.47pm based on news in Malaysiakini HERE.

Possible 17th Port Klang (Selangor) State seat
Date: [yet to be decided by the EC]
Cause: On 19th January 2011 Selangor Speaker Datuk Teng Chang Khim declared the seat vacant because incumbent Badrul Hisham Abdullah has been absent from assembly sittings for 6 months.

You can see that BN won five of the last six by-elections - a real morale booster for the coalition. For sure, BN will win the Merlimau by-election (to be discussed in another post) and if this happens, I foresee there will be an announcement of the next GE.


4. The Egyptian Factor and the power of the Net

We have seen the power of the internet in mobilizing citizens and empowering citizens in Egypt to overthrow Mubarak and they succeeded. Are there those who fear the same thing may happen in Malaysia?

On a local level, we can also see how Anti-mega tower Facebook group grows beyond buildings in The Malaysian Insider. The article said that at four months old, the anti-mega tower Facebook group has moved beyond saying no to Malaysia’s next multi-billion ringgit skyscraper to standing up for public accountability and reforms. The two hottest topics of discussion on its Facebook page currently revolve around Putrajaya’s recent RM6 billion deal to buy six offshore patrol vessels (OPVs); and a repeated attempt to control Internet content — both drawing hundreds of comments in reply.

In another article HERE in TMI, Datuk Seri Najib Razak vowed today not to resort to Internet censorship but will instead engage further with Malaysians when acknowledging that people now use social networking sites to express outrage.

There are many other factors at work and I have only highlighted a few important ones. With such factors and forces at work, it is highly likely that the net GE will be held very soon.

Here are my personal predictions based on my own interpretation and without prejudice to any party and without any intention to bring down any one/party/coalition.


PREDICTION NO. 1

This site shows the list of Parliamentary sessions for this year. The first session is on 7th of March 2011.

Don't forget that the tsunami of 2008 was on 8th of March, 2008.

What if the Merlimau by-election is held on 6th of March 2011 and BN wins? With that, can the Parliament be dissolved on 7th of March? If that happens, could the EC announce the next GE on 8th of March ? This is mere speculation but I am quite sure the BN will win with a bigger margin this time and the ghost of March 8 2008 can be exorcised.

Rationale:

1. February = CNY period and many have been away, not reading the news etc.

March = school holidays and many would be away having booked their vacations earlier.

This would be a good time to hold the GE to the advantage of the BN.

2. The BN has been on a PR campaign to boost their confidence and ground support. Coupled with the increase in voter confidence, it would be a good time to hold the elections.

3. PKR and PR are facing many issues and the coalition is at its weakest point now. Many promises have not been kept and they are fast losing brownie points with the electorate although there are still many hard core PR supporters who still show their unwavering support.

4. Support for BN from East Malaysian voters is likely to be stronger in the light of recent developments and changes.

Why this may NOT happen

1. The PM has stated that the elections will be held later because he wants the rakyat to see the results of his new policies.

2. The authorities may want to wait till the Sarawak elections are held before announcing the GE.


PREDICTION NO. 2

It is more likely that the next GE may be held after July this year for the reasons mentioned above.

Whatever the case, time is really running out and PR must oil their machinery and roll out their blue print for action. It is time to consolidate and to nip all problems in the bud. PR leaders must not simply shoot statements like loose cannons in the air but get together to strategize. PR leaders/party, please consider working hand in hand with the MCLM to ensure greater voter support. It is time to unite!

As for the rest of us, it is time to enlist as foot soldiers and be part of the team to help in whatever party you support.

Enter a Game Changer for PKR Sarawak? - Anthony Ibong

Sng was having breakfast with Anwar? It was said that eyebrows were raised because of this. To those gnashing their teeth at having just found out about the event, I say this: save your energy. Don't bother to raise even half an eye brow. Whatever phase of denial mode you are in, get a good dose of reality. Get over it, for by virtue of his present connection, Sng is embedded in PKR whether formally or informally. It appears that Sng has many more friends in PKR than people would like to admit. Therefore, appreciate the situation for what it apparently is. Only then can you begin to appreciate some elements of Sarawak politics.

by Anthony anak Ibong via e-mail

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Oh, how a seemingly innocent breakfast between Anwar Ibrahim, the Ketua Umum (of PKR) and Sng Chee Hua, a long-time friend of his, together with a few other respectable men could send some people in our party into a tizzy. The occasion was held in the open, not in secret. Why then did a simple chow ignite the proverbial rashes and hives among some? Politics being what it is, what could be the significance of the event?

In case you are wondering why a meeting of men talking amid the soothing flow of background muzak in a hotel restaurant got strong reactions from some people, consider these two words: Sarawak matters.  

Sarawak is said one of the so called "fixed deposits" for the governing BN. In a manner of speaking, Sarawak (and Sabah) anchors the Government. In 2008, its MPs managed to keep BN in power in Putrajaya. For now, for better or worse, the loyalty of Sarawak's many MPs is still a primary factor in keeping the BN government in Putrajaya. In the future, where goes Sarawak, so goes the Government.  

It was an apparently innocuous enough breakfast. In addition to the national leader, it was said that there were YB Dominique Ng; the newly minted Dato John Tenawie, PKR Vice President; Jimmy Donald, a long-time MP who is currently in between roles, although he is understood to be keenly eying the state seat of Bukit Begunan. Jimmy is known to the many local political aficionados as Sng's ally and friend. In our PKR hierarchy in Sarawak, he is a party "bigwig", a member of the state's leadership. And then there was, if the news reports were to be believed, the man himself, Sng Chee Hua.

And by the way where was Baru Bian, the chief of PKR Sarawak? He appeared to have been somewhere else when this breakfast took place. How come? Your guess would be as good as mine in this respect.

Sng was having breakfast with Anwar? It was said that eyebrows were raised because of this. To those gnashing their teeth at having just found out about the event, I say this: save your energy. Don't bother to raise even half an eye brow. Whatever phase of denial mode you are in, get a good dose of reality. Get over it, for by virtue of his present connection, Sng is embedded in PKR whether formally or informally. It appears that Sng has many more friends in PKR than people would like to admit. Therefore, appreciate the situation for what it apparently is. Only then can you begin to appreciate some elements of Sarawak politics.

In any case, it is Anwar and Sng's right to have a meal together, even if the issues they discussed never went beyond the level of talking about the curvature of Sarawak River and its alleged e coli contents as it meanders through Kuching. Who among us could be so maniacally suspicious that we become apoplectic when a group of people sit around have a meal and talk? Surely they have the right to do so. Anwar Ibrahim and Sng, like the rest of us, have the right of to assemble - or meet. In my view, they can meet anywhere, any time. Not just over breakfast. And the wise James Masing, who have known Sng for years, is reported to have said the two men met all the time. So there you have it.

The relevant thing is that observers do remember well that Sng is a veteran political operator. It has been said that he was active in Sabah in the 1990s and of course Sarawak for many years. The man is known for hard work and is no stranger to success. Perhaps those who have had a string of disaster stories lately, including by-election losses, need to rub shoulders with old friends in the hope that the downward trend could be reversed. It was, after all, a New Year and wishing for loads of luck should not be out of order.

Still, why did some people go ballistic when they found out about the event?

It is a measure of the (Sarawak) political climate that we are in and the capabilities of some political fixtures we have that when these two and a few others on sat together for some food in Kuching, the event immediately set tongues wagging. The appearance of Sng together with Anwar Ibrahim, no matter how innocently contrived, does elicit intense discussion among some people. Particularly so since Sarawak is in the brink of a state election that could spell the beginning or the end of political careers.  

As a consequence, questions were asked too. What were they doing? What were they thinking? More importantly, what are they going to do, if anything, in Sarawak politics? Does this represent a new alliance and how will it impact anyone's roles and political future? Or, to put it more graphically: who will win and who will lose?

These are no idle concerns. It is particularly pertinent to those who rather not share the same political bed with Sng. For one thing, they probably have different political dreams from him. For another, politics being what it is, they possibly have had a few brushes with him in the past. And so perhaps, if they could help it, they would rather not revisit those experience or engender new ones lest they be subjected to the stresses that those are likely to entail.

To many people, Sng exudes the image of an accomplished gentleman. Many knew him when he was with the Sarawak National Party (SNAP). And then he was with the Parti Bangsa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) and finally with Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS). If you should wander through the major towns in Sarawak, it is likely that you would find someone who knows him or knows of him. If we want to accentuate only the positive here, which is what I want to do, you could say that he was a particularly effective political operator. This was why the breakfast he had with Anwar Ibrahim assumed an importance of enormous local proportion: it was pregnant with possibilities.

But that is the man's alleged past. How about the future. Particularly the immediate future? Here lies the real enchilada: Sng is that he is said to have a stable of candidates ready to face the coming state elections. By some accounts he has fifteen (the number varies) all primed and ready to be launched at the right time and some pundits say that at least five are capable of winning seats. If this is correct, then his domain is even bigger that a couple of BN political parties in Sarawak whose number of designated seat allocation is certainly a lot less than 15. And, to cap it all, there is this little but highly vital factor: he is said to be financially sound and a keen player, if that is the play. By any measure then, Sng is potentially a major political force in Sarawak. You better believe it.

If he has his strengths, Sng also has his needs and ambitions. What real man does not? His son is the young and hard working Larry who is the Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri member for Pelagus. Larry is said to have no known vices. No cock-fighting for him, no gambling. None whatsoever, sir.  And he was ensconced as a senior leader of Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) until it started to unravel, albeit briefly, a few years ago.

Larry's apparent predicament is that he is partyless, a consequence of having been entangled in the internal political struggle that sent PRS to its near death experience in 2008. It is a measure of the man's crucial positioning, not to mention his extended networkings, that despite being without proper party support, Larry retains his seat of Pelagus and his assistant minister post in the Sarawak government. Not surprisingly, many in the PRS leadership consider his ministerial position as an anomaly and have made it known that they want him replaced as assistant minister and as candidate in the coming election by a person of their choice.

But to be a minister, even an assistant one sans a political party, is clearly not a satisfactory arrangement. It is too much an ad hoc, a makeshift and politically rickety effort that probably would not last. Besides, if you have even bigger ambitions you will begin to ask yourself how you could climb the political ladder if you have no organization with a strong foundation.

It seem clear then that Sng's need is to find a political party for son Larry, one that will allow the YB to contest again in the coming election and even attain greater position. Could Sng the elder then be sizing up PKR as a possible party to accommodate his son? Anwar Ibrahim said that they did not discuss politics during breakfast. And who is to disbelieve him? After all, there would be plenty of other occasions when they could meet and discuss various issues.

And so, what could critics of the breakfast meeting really want? They should remember, in PKR the byword is inclusiveness. As Anwar Ibrahim himself was reported to have said: people should be more mature in politics and take a view of befriending everyone but exercise the rights to preserve the interest of the party. In other words, if someone is to show up, no matter how unexpectedly, at least one could be decorous to the visitor. Thus, for those who want a different tack to be taken, those who dream that Sng be made some kind of persona non grata in this circle, the message is as obvious as the colour of the waters of the Rejang River (which is dirty brown, by the way): it is not going to happen.

Sarawak (and Sabah) are therefore the present Ground Zero when it comes to Malaysian politics. That makes the goings-on in Sarawak important at this time. For those in the state who view themselves with a sense of exceptionalism and some kind of manifest destiny (to have one of them be the next CM, no less?), any slight movement or any new wrinkle of perceived prior advantage at the local scene would be subjected to hard and close scrutiny. After all, a new development or event could spell the beginning of a change. The irony is that those who have been screaming for change could all of sudden become sullen and even abusive should changes happen to disadvantage them. Witness, for instance, the epithets thrown at SNAP recently. Here was a party that is merely trying to regain its footing, to be wholesome again, after years of being involuntarily moribund. How has the response been to SNAP's initiative? From what I can evaluate, the party is fast gaining strength as veterans and new members realise their potential. There are others, for reasons better known to themselves, who are clearly uncomfortable with SNAP's recovery. And they have responded with sniffs and brickbats.

And now, evidently, what we have is the apparent emergence of a person with a history of executing uncommon things and unprecedented consequences in the person of Sng Chee Hua. Many observers believe that he has the capabilities of a "game changer." No wonder those who believe that they hold a kind of franchise in the PKR leadership and an exalted position in PR in Sarawak appear to be greatly perturbed at the apparently changing situation.

And so, where does that leave those in PKR who simply do not like Sng and the way that he has been carrying on. Assuming that there are those in our party who hold those attitudes, the choices of these critics are basically three.

You could, if you like, do nothing. What could happen is that you accept the apparent emerging trend. If you have difficulties accepting this trend yet want to remain in the party, you could always bury your head in the sand like an ostrich and hope, like all ostriches in a similar predicament, that no person or thing would come by and pluck your feathers out.

The other choice is to fight it out internally, in which case such questions as resources and manpower become relevant. Presuming that Sng is really interested in PKR, could you hope to match his reach and power base? Even if you think you have the resolve to fight, and you think you have the time and resources, there is no guarantee that people will adhere to your views.  

The last option is, well, you have to identify it yourself and follow it, if you wish.



ANTHONY ANAK IBONG

Sarawak State Election: Is Sarawak PKR up to par to lead? - Tomas Madang

Does PKR Sarawak deserve this role of lead organization which it feels entitles it to take a big chunk of seats available for contest in the coming election? Let us look at the facts.

by Tomas Madang ak. Ijau via e-mail

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Sarawak is facing a state election which many feel will be held by May this year. Is the opposition really ready? More precisely, is PKR really in the position to assume leadership of the opposition?

By most accounts, it is going to be a mother of all elections. For one thing, there is little doubt that the ruling coalition is facing its toughest test as the present Chief Minister is probably at the tail end of his long and controversial political life. For another, there is the question of a successor administration: who, or which group will wear the mantle of state leadership after the current one is eased out?

It is an open secret that there are a few possible centres of power on both sides of the political divide that are beginning to emerge and they are all working to carve out their own political lebensraum in post-election Sarawak. Speculations about the state BN involve, among others, on who will take the plum post of Chief Minister? Will it go, no matter how briefly, to a long servile, subservient and suffering Dayak leader? Or will a more upstanding and capable one be brought back from KL to Sarawak to take over the reins? But that is not our concern today. Our focus here is the state opposition, particularly PKR and its state of affairs.

For a while now the party presumes that it is the lead organization in the opposition. There is ample evidence for this presumption. For instance, in the allocation of seats, PKR makes the argument that it should take the lion share of seats to be contested in Sarawak.

Does PKR Sarawak deserve this role of lead organization which it feels entitles it to take a big chunk of seats available for contest in the coming election? Let us look at the facts.

First, let us look at the structural design of the party as a whole. PKR is a national party which is led by the President and the Central Leadership Council in Kuala Lumpur. There are a lot of advantages to being a national party, just as there are a number of disadvantages as well. Of the latter, lets look at the request for some form of autonomy, for instance. Some in PKR Sarawak have been clamouring for some form of local autonomy so that local leaders could decide on matters at their own level. Admittedly, there have been promises of some form of local decision-making but that is as far as it has gone. Promises were believed to have been made, but not delivered. In the ill-fated adventure of the Batang Ai by-election for instance, the eventual selection of the candidate was believed to have been against local and formal recommendations. In other words, the Centre (Kuala Lumpur) has tended to be deaf and blind to local conditions and opinions.

Second, there is the matter of state PKR leadership. In the last five years there have been at least five state leaders. First there was Dato' Hafsah Harun, an elder statesperson, then there was YB Dominic Ng who was succeeded by Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Mustaffa Kamal Ayub and finally by Baru Bian himself. Five state heads in five years do not bode well for organizational stability, no matter how good the heads are. Indeed, it makes Sarawak PKR very much like the Italy of the post-war years, where governments rise and fall with unnerving frequency.

Why were there such frequent changes in Sarawak state heads by the Central leadership under Anwar Ibrahim? One explanation is that PKR Sarawak is wrecked by factionalism. There are simply too many groups that seemed to be able to reach the top of the decision-making structure in Kuala Lumpur. Changes were made seemingly without too much consideration for stability and long term impact. Thus very often people who should have stayed much longer to effect more changes and strength for the party in Sarawak found their services terminated because the central leadership was listening more to their rivals' arguments.

Third, the present PKR Sarawak is divided into a number of informal spheres of influence. As a multiracial party, this is not supposed to happen. But the reality is that the Bidayuhs have one informal paramount leader; the Orangs Ulu another, the Ibans yet another. Likewise, the Malay-Melanau also have one paramount leader, although his hold on this position appears to remain tenuous.

The bulk of PKR apparent strength, such as it has been, is found in the Dayak areas (Iban, Orang Ulu, and Bidayuh). As for the Malay-Melanau areas, the party has not been making much inroads, except for constituencies in the Betong Division. Indeed, it is doubtful whether the party could find really suitable candidates for most of the coastal constituencies (Malay and Melanau). How is this possible? What are the missing ingredients here? Why focus on inland constituencies and be basically non-existent in coastal ones? What is at play here? The Central leadership of PKR in Kuala Lumpur has a lot to answer for this.

Fourth, a number of observers are convinced that PKR is not serious about the state party politics. The argument goes something like this: so long as a particular seat goes to the opposition, it matters little which party it belongs to because it is in Pakatan Rakyat (PR) and PKR is the head organization in PR. This being the case although the Centre would prefer that people identify themselves with PKR, it is not absolutely necessary that this should happen.

Fifth, there is the matter of current developments in the party. To many observers, that PKR Sarawak is in turmoil is the product of constant manoeuvres by different and differing factions. There was, it was said, a very recent move to remove the current head, Baru Bian which led to the man losing his post in the Central level. Then there is another unresolved problem: who is supposed to run in which constituency? Different lists are said to be proffered to the Central leadership for consideration. There are other goings on as well, but these are perhaps best left unstated.

Sixth, there is the curious role of the party's apparent "courtiers" who have evidently attached themselves to the party's state leadership. They have been making outrageous statements in which they tried to ridicule fellow opposition parties and their leaders. These publicists and "courtiers" ought to exhibit statesmanship and bold plans for collective actions. Instead, they have tried to seek sympathy by their outbursts. Are they trying to push political parties out of Pakatan in Sarawak?

For a party which is of very recent vintage, the impact of these internal struggles has been debilitating for PKR Sarawak, to say the least. Many potential supporters feel that this is a party that "cannot shoot straight". PKR Sarawak would want to lead the coalition against the state government in the coming election but clearly it is in no position to do so. Structurally, it is organized in such a way that the top leadership under Anwar Ibrahim has continued to tinker with the state party machinery with unsettling frequency.

Further, powerful figures in PKR Sarawak seemed unable to stop undermining one another. Why, the latest spate of changes in the leadership musical chair happened only a few weeks ago. Furthermore, despite its multiracial stance and past efforts, the party is largely limited to Dayak support. Then there is this problem of terminal factionalism: it has stymied the party's efforts in strengthening itself and election preparations, one or two exceptions notwithstanding.

Sarawak PKR appears to be wallowing in a morass of its own making. And for this it has to thank its many local factions and their allegedly multiple candidates' lists and the interventionism of its Central leadership in Kuala Lumpur.

Is PKR therefore ready for the coming election? Time will tell. For the moment, PKR Sarawak certainly appears to be preoccupied with what observers have euphemistically refer to as "internal matters."



TOMAS MADANG ANAK IJAU
PKR Member, Kota Samarahan

PKR Sarawak: Kami Anak Tiri Anwar Ibrahim - Illam Kubong

Ramai sekali teman-teman berkongsi rasa kesal dengan apa yang berlaku kepada PKR. Akibat dari pemilihan parti tempohari sampai hari ini, PKR tidak henti-henti dengan dilanda berbagai-bagai masalah dan kontroversi. Banyak sudah anggota PKR di bawahan ini sudah hilang kepercayaan kepada barisan pimpinan. Ada antara mereka yang semakin kurang aktif malahan ada yang merancang mahu keluar ikut SNAP dan DAP. Sudah pasti perkembangan ini merisaukan jika PKR Pusat merasakan bahawa PKR Sarawak penting.

Pilihanraya Negeri Sarawak sudah semakin dekat. Pilihanraya ini amat penting untuk rakyat Sarawak yang selama ini diperbodohkan oleh Taib Mahmud. Pilihanraya ini sangat penting untuk rakyat di Sarawak yang mahu melihat Taib dan kroni-kroninya tumbang. Pilihanraya ini adalah harapan dan penantian rakyat Sarawak tidak kira bangsa Iban atau Cina atau Melayu.

Sebagai ahli PKR saya ada hak mahu menegur pemimpin atasan, khususnya Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim yang membuat Sarawak seperti anak tiri beliau. Ramai ahli PKR Sarawak kesal apabila Ketua Umum tidak menjaga sensitiviti PKR Sarawak. Semua pemimpin PKR Sarawak kalah dalam pemilihan PKR baru-baru ini. Tidak ada seorang pun dari PKR Sarawak yang menang dalam peringkat tertinggi iaitu MPP. Seumpama ahli PKR tidak mengiktiraf pemimpin Sarawak untuk dimenangkan dalam MPP. Saya berkongsi pendapat dengan ramai ahli di Sarawak yang merasakan bahawa ini semua adalah disebabkan tidak ada usaha kepimpinan Dato’ Seri membawa pimpinan Sarawak (Suara Sarawak) ke peringkat MPP pusat. 12 pemimpin Sarawak menawarkan diri jadi calon, tetapi tidak ada seorang pun yang dipilih.

Keikhlasan perjuangan PKR di Sarawak nampaknya tidak serius. Sehingga hari ini selepas lebih satu bulan MPP ditubuhkan, Pengerusi PKR Sarawak masih belum dilantik. Untuk pengetahuan Dato’ Seri Anwar, pilihanraya Sarawak akan diadakan tidak lama lagi. PKR Sarawak masih belum ada ketua. PKR Sarawak masih tidak tahu siapa pemimpin. Pilihanraya semakin tiba dan jentera parti belum ada. Bagaimana PKR mahu menang kalau sampai hari ini tidak dilantik ketua?

Propaganda BN cuba menghasut rakyat Sarawak supaya jangan percaya PKR. PKR adalah parti semenanjung. Bila difikirkan ada betulnya kata-kata “PKR ialah parti Semenanjung”. Semenanjung dahulu kemudian Sarawak dan Sabah.

Ahli PKR di Sarawak risau apabila sehingga hari ini masih belum apa-apa penerangan tentang persediaan menghadapi pilihanraya Sarawak. Sehingga hari ini tidak ada latihan dan persiapan PKR sebagai sebuah parti yang mahu melawan Taib Mahmud di Sarawak. Sehingga hari ini masih tiada lagi bajet pilihanraya yang turun kepada cabang-cabang untuk bergerak.

Janji Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim tahun lalu bahawa ahli parlimen PKR akan diarahkan bergilir-gilir setiap bulan datang ke Sarawak tidak menjadi kenyataan. Tidak nampak batang hidung YB-YB ahli parlimen PKR dari semenanjung datang Sarawak apatah lagi bertanya bagaimana persiapan PKR di Sarawak melawan rejim Taib. Pemimpin Kuala Lumpur datang minta undi, bikin janji baru, kemudian pulang ke Kuala Lumpur.

Jadi, bagi pihak ahli PKR Sarawak saya menegur kepimpinan Dato’ Seri Anwar dan ingin menyatakan akibat kelewatan melantik Ketua Negeri, PKR Sarawak berpuak-puak, berdendam sesama sendiri, berlawan sesama sendiri sampai hari ini.

Apa yang dikesali ahli bawahan parti, kelewatan ini bukan kali pertama. Tahun lalu (2009) perkara yang sama juga berlaku. Isunya juga sama - perlantikan jawatan Ketua PKR Sarawak digantung oleh pusat dan pengumuman Ketua PKR Sarawak ditangguh-tangguhkan.

Persiapan pilihanraya di Sarawak bukan seperti di Semenanjung. Kawasan-kawasan Dewan Undangan Negeri amat besar dan kemudahan jalanraya amat terhad. Soalnya sekarang di mana PKR Sarawak? Ada atau tiada? Serius atau tidak?



ILLAM KUBONG AK DAGANG

Soalan sempena Kongres PKR 2010 - Aktivis Reformasi

Berikut adalah soalan-soalan yang wajar dijawab oleh pucuk pimpinan PKR sempena Kongres PKR 2010 yang akan berakhir petang ini:


PEMECATAN S. JENAPALA DARI PARTI

Laporan polis telah dibuat oleh bekas Setiausaha Agung, Dato’ Salehuddin Hashim bahawa surat pemecatan bekas Timbalan Setiausaha Agung, S. Jenapala, dan tandatangan beliau dalam surat tersebut adalah palsu. Kenyataan blog Jonson Chong, yang juga ahli Biro Politik dan bekas Timbalan Setiausaha Agung, juga menyokong dakwaan bahawa surat itu palsu.

Soalan:

1. Selain dari mengambil pendirian untuk bekerjasama dengan pihak polis dalam apa-apa penyiasatan, apakah tindakan selanjutnya oleh Parti dalam kes ini?

2. Apakah implikasi kes ini kepada pemilihan yang baru selesai sekiranya didapati sah dan muktamad bahawa surat pemecatan S. Jenapala adalah palsu?

3. Apakah penjelasan tentang minit mesyuarat Biro Politik bertarikh 30 Ogos 2009 yang masih membincangkan status Jenapala sedangkan surat pemecatan bertarikh 2 Febuari 2009 sudahpun dikeluarkan?

4. Apakah sebab sebenar disebalik pemecatan keahlian bekas Timbalan Setiausaha Agung, S. Jenapala? Adakah sebab beliau bankrap atau sebab beliau bercadang untuk menubuhkan parti baru?

5. Adakah Majlis Pimpinan Pusat (MPP) membuat keputusan untuk memecat Jenapala? Bila keputusan ini dibuat?

6. Mengapa keputusan pemecatan Jenapala tidak tercatat dalam minit mesyuarat MPP?

7. Sekiranya keputusan pemecatan Jenapala dibuat, mengapa surat pemecatan beliau tidak merujuk kepada keputusan MPP?

8. Bekas Timbalan Setiausaha Agung, Jonson Chong mengeluarkan satu kenyataan semalam mengenai pemalsuan surat pemecatan Jenapala. Apakah benar kenyataan bekas Timbalan Setiausaha Agung yang juga ahli Biro Politik itu?

9. Siapakah dari ibu pejabat Parti yang menghubungi Jonson untuk bertanya mengenai surat pemecatan Jenapala dan samada surat itu wujud?

10. Sekiranya pemalsuan dibuat oleh seorang atau beberapa kakitangan di ibu pejabat Parti, apakah tindakan yang akan diambil oleh Parti?

11. YB Saifuddin selaku Setiausaha Agung Parti berulang mengatakan rekod Parti menunjukkan Jenapala telah dibuang semasa Dato’ Salehuddin Setiausaha Agung. Apakah rekod yang dimaksudkan oleh Saifuddin, selain dari surat pemecatan yang dikatakan palsu oleh Dato’ Salehuddin dan Jonson Chong?


PEMILIHAN PKR

Pemilihan PKR yang berlangsung sejak bulan Ogos menyaksikan Parti menjalankan pemilihan berkonsepkan ‘satu ahli, satu undi’. Ahli-ahli Parti diberi peluang untuk memilih pemimpin mereka, dari peringkat cabang sehingga ke peringkat pusat, termasuk untuk sayap-sayap Wanita dan Angkatan Muda Keadilan. Pemilihan ini dicemari dengan perbuatan salahlaku sejak proses pencalonan dan kempen, sehinggalah ke hari pemilihan dan pengiraan undi.

Soalan:

1. Peratus keluar mengundi semasa pemilihan baru-baru ini sekitar 9%. Apakah ini menunjukkan anggota PKR telah boikot kerana tidak bersetuju dengan pemilihan ini?

2. Peratus keluar mengundi semasa pemilihan baru-baru ini sekitar 9%. Apakah ini menunjukkan PKR sebenarnya tidak mempunyai 400,000 ahli, dan angka itu cuma disebut-sebut untuk memudahkan rundingan kerusi parlimen dan DUN antara DAP dan PAS?

3. Mengapa Dato Seri Anwar tidak bertanding sebagai Presiden?

4. Dato’ Seri dilantik sebagai Ketua Umum pada Kongres Parti 2007 kerana tidak dibenarkan memegang apa-apa jawatan politik oleh kerajaan. Memandangkan Dato’ Seri kini boleh memegang jawatan politik, termasuk menjadi Ketua Pembangkang, bukankah tiba masanya Dato’ Seri ‘memulangkan’ jawatan tersebut, dan dipilih sebagai pemimpin parti melalui proses pemilihan juga?

5. Jawatan Ketua Umum yang tidak dipilih oleh ahli Parti mirip dengan jawatan Pemimpin Agung Korea Utara. Tidakkah ini menjejaskan imej PKR yang berjuang untuk demokrasi?

6. Memandangkan Dato’ Seri Anwar sedang menghadapi kes liwat kedua ini, adakah benar Dato’ Seri Anwar menyusun ‘chai’ dan membantu berkempen untuk calon pilihannya, agar beliau mendapat sokongan padu seperti pada kes liwat pertama?

7. Apakah Dato’ Seri Anwar memandang usahanya menyuruh calon menarik diri dari bertanding, dan mengarahkan Ketua Cabang memastikan hanya calon-calon tertentu diberikan undi, satu bentuk penafian hak mengundi dan hak demokrasi ahli parti?

8. Semasa mengumumkan perlaksanaan ‘1 ahli 1 undi’, Naib Presiden ketika itu, YB Sivarasa berkata, “Parti ini akan menunjukkan kepada SPR bagaimana pilihanraya sepatutnya dijalankan”. Apakah pengajaran yang boleh diambil oleh Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) dari pemilihan parti kali ini?

9. Adakah jawatan-jawatan perlantikan dalam Biro Politik dan Majlis Pimpinan Pusat (MPP) akan mengikut jumlah yang dihadkan oleh Perlembagaan Parti, dan adakah perlantikan kali ini akan memberat kepada keupayaan dan inklusiviti, ataupun akan diisi oleh orang-orang yang setia kepada Dato’ Seri tetapi kalah pemilihan/tidak berani bertanding?


SELANGOR DAN PAKATAN RAKYAT

1. Jabatan Agama Islam Selangor telah melarang YB Nizar Jamaluddin dari berceramah di Selangor. Apakah pendirian PKR tentang larangan ini?

2. Jabatan Agama Islam Selangor telah melarang YB Nizar Jamaluddin dari berceramah di Selangor. Adakah kerajaan negeri Selangor tidak ada apa-apa pendirian atau kuasa dalam isu larangan ini?

3. Apakah untung atau faedahnya rakyat mengundi kerajaan PR sekiranya larangan atau sekatan kepada penceramah sama seperti kerajaan BN?

4. Adakah sekatan ke atas orang-orang tertentu dari memberi ceramah kepada rakyat sejajar atau selari dengan Ketuanan Rakyat dan kebebasan bersuara yang dilaung-laungkan oleh PKR?

5. Akhbar Selangor Times akan diterbitkan dengan sokongan kerajaan negeri Selangor. Apakah jenis sokongan yang diberikan oleh kerajaan negeri dan sekiranya ianya membabitkan wang, berapakah jumlah bantuan tersebut?

6. Adakah PKR menerima kenyataan bahawa PKR adalah yang paling lemah secara organisasi, kualiti ahli dan program berbanding PAS dan DAP? Sejauh mana kemelut PKR mengancam Pakatan Rakyat?

7. Apakah langkah-langkah yang telah diambil untuk mengubah persepsi rakyat dan pengundi, bahawa PKR ialah ‘weak link’ dalam Pakatan Rakyat?

8. Apakah sumbangan dan kejayaan Dato’ Seri Anwar sejak dilantik Penasihat Ekonomi Selangor?

9. Setakat ini berapa jumlah pelaburan daripada negara Arab yang telah dibawa masuk untuk pelaburan di Selangor oleh Penasihat Ekonomi Negeri Selangor?

10. Sebagai Penasihat Ekonomi Negeri Selangor, apa komen tentang penyelewengan kewangan oleh agensi-agensi kerajaan negeri seperti Yayasan Selangor, PKNS, KDEB dan sebagainya, yang nyatanya lebih teruk lagi daripada semasa Selangor diperintah oleh BN?

11. Krisis air Selangor meruncing sehingga kini, setelah dua tahun. Bukankah ini bayangan yang memimpin kerajaan negeri tidak pandai bersilat? Adakah kerajaan negeri tidak pandai menangani taktik-taktik seteru mereka di kerajaan pusat?

12. Jika dikaji kekuatan parti-parti dalam PR, ada 3 negeri yang sekarang dikongsi kuasa sesama sendiri oleh PR. Yang nyata, DAP boleh menawan Pulau Pinang dengan sendiri dan Kedah boleh ditawan oleh PAS dengan sendiri. Adakah Selangor sebuah negeri yang boleh ditawan oleh PKR dengan sendiri?

13. Apa komen Ketua Umum tentang kenyataan Lim Kit Siang hari ini BN akan merampas kembali negeri Selangor pada PRU 13?

14. Mengapa parti tidak senang dengan kewujudan ‘Third Force’ sedangkan ‘Third Force’ inilah yang membantu dalam penubuhan Deklarasi Rakyat yang kemudiannya digunapakai oleh Barisan Alternatif/Pakatan Rakyat dalam usaha-usaha kempennya semasa pilihan raya 2008, yang berakhir dengan kemenangan tsunami parti-parti pembangkang, khususnya PKR?


KONGRES PKR 2010

1. Adakah PKR memperjuangkan kebebasan bersuara?

2. Mengapa skuad keselamatan dan kakitangan PKR berlaku kasar semalam, sehingga hampir mencetuskan pergaduhan dengan ahli-ahli Parti yang ingin menyuarakan ketidakpuashatian mereka secara aman?

3. Adakah PKR memperjuangkan kebebasan media?

4. Mengapa skuad keselamatan dan kakitangan PKR mengugut akan menarik balik tag media yang diberikan kepada wartawan sekiranya wartawan tidak meliputi kongres PKR seperti yang dimahukan oleh parti?

5. Beberapa pewakilan dari Sabah & Sarawak mengucapkan terima kasih kepada kerajaan negeri Selangor kerana membantu membiayai kos perjalanan dan penginapan semasa kongres. Berapa perwakilan yang telah dibiayai kerajaan negeri Selangor untuk hadir ke Kongres kali ini?

6. Terdapat dakwaan yang mengatakan bahawa parti melalui kerajaan negeri Selangor membiayai penginapan percuma kepada perwakilan Sabah dan Sarawak dengan berlindung disebalik program seminar Islam dan kemasyarakatan yang diadakan di Hotel Armada PJ. Peserta program seminar dari Sarawak dan Sabah sebenarnya hadir untuk kongres, tetapi mendapat bilik percuma yang dibiayai kerajaan Selangor kerana kononnya menghadiri seminar. Apakah komen pimpinan PKR mengenai perkara ini?

7. Adakah sentimen perwakilan Kongres ini mewakili sentimen majoriti ahli-ahli parti?

8. Adakah insiden beberapa perwakilan yang tidak menerima notis untuk kongres disengajakan?

9. Benarkah bahawa Presiden Parti telah menghubungi dan mendapat persetujuan daripada (semua) Tuhan untuk mengisytiharkan Ketua Umum sebagai “anugerah Tuhan” untuk rakyat Malaysia? Adakah Azizan, Sukma atau Saiful Bukhari termasuk dalam semua rakyat Malaysia yang mendapat “anguerah Tuhan” ini?

10. Menyorot kembali prestasi Ketua Umum sebagai menteri kabinet dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri ketika berada dalam UMNO, bolehkah Ketua Umum dianggap sebagai “anugerah Tuhan” kepada rakyat Malaysia?

11. Sekiranya Dato’ Seri Anwar “anugerah Tuhan” kepada Parti, mengapa Parti kebelakangan ini nampak seperti dilanda bala?


LAIN-LAIN SOALAN

1. Satu-satunya harapan untuk menawan Sabah ialah dengan memikat pengundi-pengundi Bumiputera bukan Islam. Adakah tanggungjawab ini masih lagi Dato’ Seri Anwar amanahkan kepada Jeffry Kitingan?

2. PKR Sarawak menunggu-nunggu ketetapan mengenai calon PKR di pilihan raya DUN yang akan berlangsung tidak berapa lama lagi. Apakah salahnya jikalau penentuan calon-calon dibuat lebih awal daripada biasa?

3. Bila Dato’ Seri Anwar hendak mengemukakan bukti kukuh seperti yang didakwa tentang wang sogokan kapada ahli-ahli parlimen PKR yang keluar parti? Apakah janji untuk mengeluarkan bukti ini, sama dengan janji 16 September 2008?

4. Adakah PKR membuat kajian tentang faktor-faktor yang mendorong pemimpin-pemimpin dan wakil rakyat meninggalkan parti? Jika ada, apakah faktor-faktor tersebut dan apakah langkah-langkah yang telah diambil untuk membendung gejala keluar parti?

4. Kehadiran penyokong-penyokong di mahkamah ketika perbicaraan liwat kali kedua ini kian merosot. Adakah ini disebabkan orang ramai sudah mulai percaya bahawa kes liwat kedua ini bukan konspirasi politik?

5. Sekiranya Dato’ Seri Anwar, sebagai presiden parti dipenjarakan, bagaimana ini akan mempengaruhi parti? Adakah ini akan membantu parti mendapat undi simpati seperti pada tahun 1999?

6. Apakah komen Ketua Umum terhadap akuan bersumpah yang dibuat oleh bekas pembantu-pembantu beliau, En. Rahimi dan En. Rasid?

7. Apakah motif sebenar usaha-usaha sengaja melengah-lengahkan perbicaraan kes Sodomi 2?

8. Apakah komen Presiden terhadap gesaan supaya Ketua Umum berundur buat sementara waktu dari arena politik sehingga kes liwat di mahkamah selesai? Tidakkah ini bercanggah dengan peraturan seorang pegawai kerajaan digantung kerja sehingga selesai kes mahkamah?


Salam reformasi.



AKTIVIS REFORMASI